For some reason I have been thinking about income inequality lately.  I guess it could have something to do with unavoidable coverage of asinine opinions by politicians trying to get people to elect them by saying whatever they think will get them votes.  Rather than criticize the asinine opinions of others, I thought I would offer my own asinine opinion for your criticism.  So here is my asinine opinion as an economist*: Inequality is an individual problem, poverty is a social problem.

Some may be tempted to argue that the difference between inequality and poverty is semantic: when politicians and policy makers talk of inequality, they are really only concerned about those in poverty, right?  Well, no.  Because if real poverty were the concern, and inequality alleviation were really an altruistic endeavor, then politicians would be much less concerned with alleviating inequality in the U.S. and much more concerned about alleviating poverty globally. 

Let's take a quick example:  Consider a single U.S. citizen who falls precisely at the current U.S. guideline for poverty: $11,770 per year (according to the Department of Health and Human Services).  I think most of us can agree that that is a pretty low income.  And I think most of us would find it tough to 'survive' on $11,770 per year. But let's look at that number from a global perspective.  According to the Global Rich List**, an income of $11,770 would place that person in the 85th percentile (top 15% of incomes) of the global income distribution.  Just to be clear, that means 85% of the global population falls below the U.S. poverty line, while only 21.9% of U.S. income earners fall below the poverty line (at least according to this calculator at Political Calculations).   Twenty-two percent is a big number and cause for concern, by why are U.S. politicians only concerned with 22 percent of the U.S. population, when 85% of the world population is just as poor (or poorer).

The easy answer is 'We live in the U.S. dammit, we can't expect to solve the world's problems.  USA! USA! USA!'  But I don't think that is the real issue.  I think the real issue lies in how we perceive poverty.  I fear that even if we were to find a way to raise all U.S. incomes above the poverty line, we would still be hearing about and talking about income inequality.  Why?  Because inequality relies on relative comparisons whereas poverty relies on absolutes.  We can measure absolutes, but relative comparisons require judgments.

Let me give an extreme example to hopefully illustrate my point.  I live in a bubble–that's what we call our bucolic suburb, 'The Bubble.' It is one of the wealthiest towns in the state (if not the country).  If I were to compare my income to those in the bubble, I would probably fall somewhere near the median.  Not poor by any means, but the distribution of income in the bubble puts me in the middle.  The fact that there is a distribution means that there will be inequality.  Of course, this level of inequality is small relative to comparisons at the state or national level, but that is exactly my point.  There are times when I get jealous because my income doesn't match up to those around me.  It somehow seems 'unfair.'  They have more than me.  But I fully recognize that my jealousy is my problem.  This is not the result of any market or government failure.  It is a consequence of my own human condition–I am a sinner and I am jealous.  There, I said it.  Whew.

But seriously, I don't know how to make comparisons between income distributions.  If you look at my income at the national level, I am suddenly no longer in the middle of the distribution and I am rapidly sliding into that class of people who are the target of attack in political discourse: The X% (GASP!). 

But why stop at the U.S. borders?  If we look globally, suddenly most of the U.S. population falls into someone elses X%.  The World Bank sets the level for extreme poverty at $1.90 per day AFTER adjusting for differences in purchasing power. 

Read that again. 

$1.90 per day. 

That's $693.50 per year.

(After adjusting for differences in prices!)

Do you know what percentage of the U.S. population falls below this extreme poverty line?

I'll give you a hint.  The answer starts with 'Z'.

So what is my point?  My point is simple.  Income inequality is relative.  In order to solve the income inequality problem we have to answer questions like:

"What is an equal distribution?"  "How much is too much?"  "Should we care about the starving in Africa when considering the income distribution in the U.S.?"

And I don't know how to answer those questions–my economics training has failed me.  But neither do you.  And neither does Donald Trump, or Marco Rubio, or Hillary Clinton, or Bernie Sanders.  No one can answer those questions because there is no single answer.  The answer as to which income distribution is the best distribution is an individual answer.  It depends.  It depends on who you are and who you are comparing yourself to and how jealous of a person you are.

Inequality is relative, but poverty is not.

Is it reasonable to say that Warren Buffett, or Bill Gates, or the Walton Family should have less simply because they have more than most?  It might not seem 'fair.' but the fact that they have more than me or I have more than someone else is not a social problem, it is an individual problem: 'I don't like them having more than me.  It's not fair.'  Doesn't it seem more reasonable (more objective?) to say, let's make sure everyone has at least enough to survive and damn the distribution of the rest.

Now that I've convinced you that I am right, how do we solve poverty?

Ensuring a minimum standard of living for everyone requires one of two things: 1) Either finding more money for those who are below the standard without decreasing the income of anyone above the standard, or 2) Redistributing some income from some of those above the standard to those below the standard.

The first case requires finding money laying on the ground.  In other words, there has to be a way to rearrange things so that nobody is made worse off.  Economists call this a Pareto-improvement.  But to get a Pareto improvement, there has to be an inefficiency somewhere in the economy (resources left unspent).  But market-based economies work in such a way as to minimize inefficiencies; so there aren't a whole lot of dollars laying on the ground.  This is both the beauty and the beast of market-based systems.  Market-based systems ensure that the economic pizza is as big as possible, but the market doesn't give two craps about who gets what sized slice of pizza–and unfortunately some get very small slices.

So to fix the problem we need to figure out a way to cut the slices more evenly.  The problem is, as soon as you start changing the sizes of the slices of pizza, the whole pizza shrinks.  This isn't an opinion, or an argument against redistribution, but rather an economic reality–unless there are inefficiencies in the allocation of resources, redistribution of income will shrink the size of the economic pie.  The question is then, how much smaller of a pie are we willing to tolerate in order to generate a more 'fair' distribution of the pie?

My answer has already been stated:  We need to be willing to tolerate enough redistribution to ensure we maintain a minimum standard of living for everyone.  Beyond that, we need to get out of the way and let the markets do their thing and create as large a pie as possible given the no poverty constraint. 

But won't that allow inequality to persist?

Yes.  But inequality is only bad in a relative sense and the degree to which inequality is bad depends on how much inequality your own jealousy allows you to tolerate. 

I'd rather focus on solving poverty and then making sure everyone has equal opportunity to play equally in the market sand box.  Our focus should be on ensuring the minimum social safety net possible (what should Social Security, Unemployment, SNAP, Medicare/Medicaid look like to ensure a minimum standard of living for all?), eliminating inefficiencies (correcting market failures), and eliminating barriers to opportunity (end discrimination in all forms so that everyone is playing by the same set of rules and has the same opportunities). 

Beyond that, if you don't like the distribution of income, that is your problem…not the government's.

My name is Tim and I am NOT running for President of the United States–although you can feel free to write my name in because it would be cool to get a few votes.

*I do not speak for all economists.  I am simply basing my opinion on my own training and thoughts from an economics perspective. 

**I'm not sure I believe the numbers that this calculator produces, I am just using it to illustrate a point.  The actual numbers might be different, but the point still holds.

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  1. Caseyj Avatar

    Hi Tim
    Great post. I am off to class, but will comment in more detail later today. These are really important questions/issues you bring up – so thanks for taking the time to do so. Have you read Alan Krueger’s “Inequality: to much of a good thing.” I think you would find it useful.
    JC

  2. Denis Drew Avatar

    Labor is almost by definition able to reach a subjectively satisfactory wage level by collectively bargaining with ownership and of course with the ultimate arbiter of price, the consumer. Almost by definition because all three gravitate to similar satisfactory/unsatisfactory human emotional results – not ideal by their lights, but similar enough to other participants’.
    High union density was how the “Great Compression” ran this kind of relative satisfaction regime sort of on autopilot in the late 40s, the 50s and 60s in the US (if you were white).
    Relative satisfaction regime almost by definition disappears when the labor market reverts to what I call subsistence-plus wages, in which labor is paid subsistence plus whatever extra it just barely takes to procure additional increments of skill and/or effort from it – instead of paid the max the consumer is willing to up.
    One (partially made up) example of relative expectations: in the 50s, $500 a week would have kept American born cab drivers satisfied for their grueling 60 hour work week – and on the job. By the late 70s, early 80s the needed incentive had become $750 (I can attest).
    Minimum wage example (why don’t we make peak to peak comparisons?): in 1968, $11 an hour was satisfactory at half today’s per capita income. The US wasn’t yet flooded with SUVs, up-to-date kitchens and $4000 a month two-bed room apartments for the top 10% (what’s an up-to-date kitchen?). See many American born fast food workers lately (as in decades)?
    The latter examples are government guesses (or long neglected responsibilities to guess) on the max the consumer might be willing to pay.
    Today, 100,000 out of my guesstimate 200,000 Chicago, gang-age males are in drug dealing street gangs. Getting the minimum wage up to $15 and the median wage (via collective bargaining) up to $20 – would in total add something like an average $10,000 a year to 500,000 Chicago low wages (by extremely rough guesstimate, but puts the multipliers in place), adding all of $5 billion to the cost of Chicago’s $170 billion (figuring 1% of national) economic output.
    http://www.cbsnews.com/news/gang-wars-at-the-root-of-chicagos-high-murder-rate/
    Clean up Chicago street gangs by making something that is not even a ticket now into a big felony (persistent violations backed by RICO prosecution) …
    … by making union busting a felony (like every other form of market gouging) and allow, by then (at last!), unfettered-labor to do its best in the truly unfettered market. If nothing else it should be a question of freedom – people should simply be free to collectively bargain with their employer (and the consumer) if they please – that’s a form of economic satisfaction in itself.

  3. Adamnapierwalker Avatar

    Hi Tim,
    I’ve been thinking a lot about inequality too. Jeremy Corbyn over here in the UK has seen to that.
    I think an interesting issue related to the first part of your discussion is that the definitions of “social” problems and “individual” are hard to conceptualise. If enough people have the same individual problem, does it not become a social problem? It’s a tough question…..
    I would like to ask you to explain your argument that “redistributing the pie makes it smaller”. I don’t get it. In the simplest case, if one kid has a quarter of the pie and another kid has three quarters, then you can move 1 quarter around and get a more equal allocation without making the pie smaller. In the more complicated case, the government can tax more (which, yeah, makes the pie smaller) but if the government spends it well, for example to ensure a healthy, well-educated workforce, then I don’t see it as being an economic reality that the pie gets smaller. I think it’s perfectly possible to tax the rich, use the revenue to improve the economy, and make the pie larger.
    On a different note, I’m not convinced by the jealously argument. I find excessive inequality (defined according to my personal moral convictions) distasteful, not because I am jealous of those who have more than me (and believe me, there are many!), but because I think it’s disgusting that some people get all the opportunity in life and others get no opportunity. So it’s not just about jealously, it’s also about disgust, and it’s not just about what you have, it’s about the opportunity to improve your situation.
    My opinion is that there is too much inequality and not enough opportunity in the UK and in the USA. We need less inequality and more opportunity. This would make everyone better off.
    Thank you for raising these important points. Global inequality and climate change are intrinsically linked and we need to think more carefully about these issues.
    Kind regards,
    Adam

  4. Tim Haab Avatar

    Adam,
    I will probably expand on this, but here are my simple (and immediate reactions):
    1) Taxes create deadweight loss. They distort the marginal conditions in markets. The size of the pie argument is simply an analogy for the efficiency/equity trade-off. Of course non-distortionary taxes (those that correct market failures) are by definition non-distortionary (tautological. But taxing the rich to give to the poor is distortionary. I’m not arguing good or bad, but simply stating the basic economic result that changing the marginal conditions will result in an inefficient allocation. We (as a society, or as individuals) may be willing to accept a smaller pie in exchange for a more equal distribution, but we need to recognize the trade-offs before making that decision.
    2) Disgust, jealousy, moral conviction…the argument is the same. What you find disgusting, another may find acceptable. Where do we define the cut-off. How much disgust is acceptable? This is an individual decision (opinion). And quite frankly, I find your argument for disgust to be exactly the argument for jealousy I was trying to make. You find it objectionable that others have things you do not, just as I am sure that others find it objectionable that you have things that they do not. I think we might disagree on what constitutes ‘opportunity.’ I understand there is a fine line here, and I am not exactly sure I can define the line, but to me opportunity and freedom of choice are close synonyms. Disgust that some have and others do not is to me a form of jealousy. I have trouble figuring out the argument that somehow the fact that the rich are rich creates a situation that reduces opportunity for those who are not rich. This seems to follow from some sort of logic that this is a zero sum game–because the rich have more than me, I can’t have more. But there is nothing in the fact that the rich have more than me that restricts my opportunity. It is not inequality that restricts freedom of choice, it is other barriers (discrimination, market failures, externalities, poverty…). These are things that policy should be aimed at correcting, not a more equal distribution for equal distributions sake.

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